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BROKEN REEDS. 



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The Republican Party Tried by its Record. 



A 



DDRESS AT WESTERVILLE, OHIO, AUG 25, 1875 ' 



—BY- 




GIDEON T. STEWART. 






Tiio Oz-iioao of Oz-liiaosr '••*•' 



'01, 



OSS 



The cloud of a great crime is impencling 
over the land. One third of the male adults 
who were last year buried in the cemeteries of 
our cities, were murdered men. They died by 
the hands of legalized assassins, who slav ten 
thousand a year of the citizens of this State, 
and a hundred thousand a year of the citizens 
of this Republic. Every year and from 
all parts of the land, the cry of thirty 
thousand in the State and three hundred 
thousand in the Nation, of new widows 
and orphans go up against this govern- 
ment to the avenging God of the widow 
and the fatherless. It is a crime which re- 
'epects neither • age nor sex. The fast coming 
and countless reports of its horrid work, are 
every moment and from every direction, 
brought on the ligbtniug's wing and tiasbed 
upon as through thejdaily press. Yesterday, 
you read of one of its atrocities committed in 
the village of Jamestown, in Green country, 
Ohio, on the evening previous. A drunken 
father there, cut the the throat of bis babe, 
aged about fifteen months, with a knile which 
he had sharpened on the stove, and attempt- 
ed to kill his wife, who fled to the house of a 
neighbor. We have the usual fact appended, 
that when not in liquor, he was a kind hus- 
band and father, and peaceful citizen. No 
one can doubt that the whole ciuseofsuch 
shocking, but too common tragedies, in the 
homes of the million drunkards ot our coun- 
try, is the txistence of a legalized crime 
against society, and 'hat if the government 
would withdraw its protection and support 
from this crime, such scenes would soon cease 
to appal the public. But on the side ot 
the liquor crime there is arrayed against the 
people, the whole power of the law. That 
wretched father brutalized and demonized by 
the crime which had destroyed his reason, 
that poor, anguished, horror stricken mother, 
and her murdered babe, were outlaws of the 
state, under the ruling crime. All who suffer 
its cruel inflictioijs are outlaws. If our states- 
men speak or act on the subject, it is only to 
mock the people with some impotent pretense 
of legislation. Our United Slates Senator, 
Mr. Sherman, tells us that the best temper- 
ance law, and the only one he favor>!, is the 
so-called Adair law, which he says, gives 
compensation to ''innocent third parties." 
Senator Sherman, there are your innocent 
third parties, — that broken htarted mother 
weeping over her slain babe. What compen- 
sation can you offer heir Go to the courts, 
call in the jury,and let them assess that moth 
er's damages. What can they givt? Nothing. 
Against this crushing crime there is no in- 
demnity for the God-given rights ^ofjjfe aLd 
'. iiapfin&s, 'llu^'bfily If r a^fji^ar'iind ccnt 
Vdailfo^f^l ^ti«»**2cliles* of ^i!»tie*^ reject the 
•giJldTahd Vfei^'dillJ' tfie dross.* The law asks 
but one question, how much money has she 
.•k)9l^. "VT^tii tti^ls^.'at^^'^? ^];|ai;* light of 
.'^,.„»,^,.»A ^x.o.. Ai^r. !,* •'■■"•"^ottitj 'l^Ve, un- 

in the life ot 



j'prpl^ertj di*jr Jt>? «)l^»1ijj.*mi 
'"aer*oliV*6rueiry 'uujubt lawo, 



her child Not to the value of one cent. The 
sole right of property recognized by the law 
in that child, was in the blood-stained hand 
of its father. 

Over twenty years ago, the women, in two 
villages of the county where I live, feeling 
themselves outlawed by the government which 
protected the destroyer of their homes, arose 
and formed in procession, with axes and 
hatchets in their hands, and attacked the 

E laces where intoxicating drinks were sold, 
reaking in the liquor casks and barrels and 
pouring their contents on the ground. In one 
of those villagps, I was told by one of those 
ladies, last year, there has not been a dram- 
shop since, because, she said, the liquor men 
know that the same mothers, with their 
daughters grown up since, are there, ready 
to repeat the deed. The only symbol of pro- 
tection there against this ruling crime, is an 
ax in a woman's hand. But is this the war 
we advocate? Are we hpre to advise this ap- 
peal to nature's law? No. This is not the 
war for Protection which we are waging. We 
point to these facts only to show that when 
government fails to perform the duty lor 
which it was instituted by the peoplp, to pro- 
tect them in their natural rights; and when it 
lets inose, aids and abels the myrmidons of 
crime 'u their assaults on the people, these 
disorders are the natural and inevitable re- 
sults ot such a crime and such a warfare. We 
are the advocates of law, order, and civil lib- 
ertj'. Though outlawed by the crime which 
rules the government, yet we are not defense- 
less; for we hold in our bauds the power that 
makes and unmakes governments and laws. 
We hold that weapon, brighter and sharper 
than any Toledo blade, more potent than the 
cannon; that weapon "firmer set, and better 
than the bayonet," the mighty peace weapon 
of the ballot. 

TME PAETT Qt/ESTION. 

It is the season of the year when the politi- 
cal markets are open, and all the party huck- 
sters are cr3iag their wares; when party 
demagogues ot the least character are loudest 
in proclaimiog their principles; and when 
candidates lor office who cannot pay for a 
certificate of discharge in bankruptcy', are 
most profuse in their professions and promi- 
ses. It is also the time for glorious conflict 
on the political battle-fields by patriots, phil- 
anthropists and Carislians, contending for 
the high principles of right and the great is- 
sues of humanity. It is not surprising that 
in this political cmvass, when the two old 
parties of the country, are nearly balanced in 
t'jis and other States, the direction given to 
the temperance vote is a topic of concern in 
the circlesjof politicians; and that aporoache^ 
are made on all sides to delude Prohibition 
voters by false pretenses ot friendship to their 
cause, or to withdraw their attention to 
minor, or false issues. 

On the question of political action for tem- 
perance, there is this marked difierence be 



* 'tween the two oW parties. One is an open, 
nudisguised enemy of our cause. The other 
has been a pretended Iriend, but has proved 
itselt the worst foe, for the same reason that a 
traitor gaining access to place and power with- 
^-^in the walls, is worse to contend with than 

"'the foe without. The Democratic parly has 
looked with but one face and has spoken with 
but one tongue on this question, in all the 
States where it has made any expression, dur- 
ing the last twenty years. Now, as in the 
past, it everywhere advocates the license 
and regulation of the liquor crime, and op- 
poses its prohibition. Not a Democratic con- 
vention, press or politician of any promi- 
nence, can be found in all the country, ap- 
pealing to Prohibitionists, by any professions 
or promises, to induce them to vote the Dem- 
ocratic ticket on the ground that they will 
thus advance the cause of Prohibition. 
Here and throughout the nation, we meet the 
Democratic party in uncompromising conflict, 
and whatever we obtain from it when in pow- 
er, in the way ot temperance legislation, we 
take by such concessions only as are won 
from the foe in battle. It never invited or re 
ceived the confidence of the Prohilntionists. 
It has broken no promises to tbem, for it has 
made none. It has not, for it could not be- 
tray their coufldence. Hecce it is, that the 
men who leave the Democratic party and 
unite with the Prohibition party, influenced by 
their regard for the temperance cause, seldom 
are seen returning to the old party standard. 
We count them by the thousands in our ranks 
in Ohio, and by the tens ol thousands in the 
nation, standing firmly by the Prohibition 
flag. But the course of the Republican party 
and the tft'ect of its policy have been very 
different. It has been double-faced, double- 
tongued, double-hearted and double-handed 
on this whole subject, from the beginning of 
its existence. Althoueh at first tem[ierance 
sentiment had some influence in its councils, 
now in all but the two States of Maine and 
Vermont, it is entirely subordinate to the li- 
quor power, and only the overwhelming 
strength of tbe Maine Law among the people 
there, compels its support in these two Slates. 
Yet appeals have been and are unceasingly 
made by its leaders, presses and politicians to 
the Probibition voters to give their sufl'rages 
in its behalf, on the nretense that it is more 
friendly to their principles than tUe Demo- 
cratic party and that they can accomplish 
more in its success, than if, by independent 
voting, they permit th^ Democratic party to 
take power in the government. 

In the present canvass, the Republican par 
ty comes, as usual, with one face to the tem- 
perance voters, repeatiug its old cheats, and 
with the other face looking down into the 
thousands of dram-shop-i of our country, pro- 
testing the sincerity of its servility there. 

Let us no longer act the part of the fleeced 
gambler clinging to his cards, by coming up 
again to be cheated at every new election 



game, as if we loved to be cheated for the sake 
of the cheat itself. Let us as rational men, 
take us the record ot the Repubican party, 
and demand the proof of its professions and 
the test ot its pledges, in its past administra- 
tion of our public aflairs. A candid examina- 
tion of that record will fshow that the reliance 
of the friends of temptrance on the Repubh- 
can party, is treacherous as that of Israel on 
Egypt, of which the Assyrian tauntingly said: 
'• io, t?iou tiusfeih in the staff of this 
broken reed on Ugy2)t, ivhereon if a man 
lean, it will go into his hand and pierce 
it: so is Pharaoh King of Egypt, to all 
that trust in him." 

SLAVERY AND THE UNION — A FALSE ASSUMPTION. 

The Republican party in its platforms and 
through its representative organs and advo- 
cates, arrogates to itselt the glory of having 
abolished slavery and restored the Union, and 
for this, it claims the gratitude and continued 
snftVage of the people. The assumption is 
false. By the fiat of the Almighty, enforced 
by military necessity, slavery was abolished. 
The President as commander-in-chief of the 
army, as an act ot war and under the war 
powers of the Constitution, proclaimed eman- 
cipation of the slaves, and the boys in blue 
executed the process. Not until the fact had 
gone into history, that slavery in the insur- 
gent States was no more, not until by milita- 
ry and constitutional law it had there ceased, 
did the Republican party declare for its civil 
abolition. Then the Republican majority in 
Congress, sat down as recording cJerk, to 
make up the record. With sovereign power 
to abolish it ther^, they permitted slavery to 
continue in tlio District of Columbia until in 
the second year of tbe war, and in the Terri- 
tories of Anzoua and New Mexico for nearly 
two month'!, attr-r the President's proclama- 
tion, abolishing it in the States. The thir- 
teenth amendment of the National Constitu- 
tion abolishing slavery in all the Republic, 
received the votes of both Republican and 
Democratic legislatures. As well might Ban- 
croft claim the honor of discovering America 
and the achievement of our National Inde- 
pendence, because as a historian he recorded 
those events, as the Republican party claim 
the credit of abolishing slavery, because it re- 
corded in the statute book, what the army 
and the people under God, and irrespective 
of party, had already made the law of the 
land. There was no such pretense of partisan 
property in the results of the civil war, while 
It was in progress. Then the RepubUcan 
leaders recognized the fact that it was the 
work of the whole people, and paid especial 
honor to Democratic statesmen, officers and 
soldiers. The highest, the ablest and most 
successful generals of the Union Army were 
taken from the Democratic party. Hundreds 
of thousands of Democrats fought under the 
Union flag, or voted the Union ticket ia sup- 
port of the war, and war Democrats were elect- 



ed to the most eminent civil offices. Two of 
the three Presidents chosen by this union of 
war Democrats and Eepu'blicans, were 
taken out of the Democratic party. Andrew 
Johnson who lived and died a Democrat, and 
Gen. Grant who never voted a Republican 
ticket, until he voted for himself for Presi- 
dent. The Republican party experienced 
great changes, first, by a union with hun- 
dreds of thousands of war Democrats during 
the war; second, by a union since ihe war, 
with myriads of men who fought under the 
Confederate flag or sustained its cause during 
ihe war; and third, by the loss of such pure 
(ind able leaders of the Anti-slfivery cause, as 
Salmon P. Chase, Charles Summer, Horace 
Greeley, Cassius M. Clay, Gen. Bmks, George 
Julian, Ljman Trumbull, and others, follow- 
ed by hundreds of thousands, including the 
best men of the party, driven out ol it by the 
force of its corruptions. Its political heights 
are now covered by rings of corrupt politi- 
^ cians, scoffing at all moral ideas, and linked 
with rings of like character, tx^ending to, 
and controlling the parly in every district or 
county of the Union. Looking into the Re- 
publican National Convention winch nomina- 
ted Grant for President the second term, we 
see the Contederate General, Thomas Settle', 
of North Carolina, in the Chair as presiding 
officer, and Contederate generals and officers 
among the delegates. Looking at his admin- 
istration, we find among the most potential 
of his advisers and supporters in the South, 
"Hangman Poot," "Hangman Wise," Gen. 
Longstreet, Gen. Forrest, Gen. Mosby. and 
many other prominent Confederate generals 
and Statesmen. In fact the complete identi- 
ty of the Republiaan party has been destroy- 
ed. If a wa.rant could be sent out to bring 
into Court the body of the Republican party 
as it existed when Abraham Lincoln was first 
chosen President, it would be relumed b^ the 
Sheriff, "Non esl inveyitus." For a party thus 
metamorphosed, to claim h'^reditary honors 
and succession, with the undying gratitude 
of the people, for acts achieved by the people, 
themselves, is the sublimity of impudence and 
falsehood, in the face of its own public history. 

PROMISED KDFOEMS. 

We are often told by way of excuse for the 
recreant course of the Republican party on 
the Temperance question, that it has had 
other great interests in keeping, great trusts 
to be fulfilled, and great, measures of public 
welfare and reform promised to the people, 
and to be carried out in the government, 
which have demanded its paramount atten- 
tion; and that when these are disposed of, it 
will by and by take up the temperance cause 
in earnest. As to poliiical parties which have 
been in power, the fair test of the future is in 
their past public record. The Eepubliean 
leaders cannot p'ead a want of power 
irom the people to enable tUem to per- 
form their promises. In all the history 
of our nation, no other political party 



was ever entrusted with such vast sway and 
patronage, as the Republican party. From 
the first inauguration of President Lincoln to 
the (xpiration ot the last Congress, a period 
of fourteen years, it held the most ab'^olute 
control of all departments of the National 
Government, with a large army and powerful 
navy at its command, during the war; and to 
this time, it has been sustained in power and 
profligacy, by enormous revenues. It spent 
more money in those lourteen years than the 
government before expended iu its whole exis- 
tence. The blood and treasure of the people 
were freely poured at its feet. It made many 
promises; it had grand opportunities for 
good; it sought and enjoyed without measure 
the confidence of the people; but it ha-! sign, lly 
filled iu duty and betrayed their unbounded 
trus^. It is very easy to take up the platforms 
and public records of the party from the be- 
ginning, and to discover precisely what were 
the great measures and reforms promised by 
it; but it is not so easy to fiud the pr imises 
that have been fulfilled. Let us briefly con- 
sider these promised reforms, and we shall see 
that as to nearly all, except the part which it 
look in the removal of Slavery and the pres- 
ervation of the Union (and for its part in that 
work we will give it due cicdit), it has proved 
itself utterly unworthy of the high trust re- 
posed in it by the people, and has given back 
into their hands only the broken reeds of 
Egypt. 

We will consider them in their relalion to 
the tollowing topics, 

Krst— Religion and Moeauty in the Gov- 

EEl^^MENL. 

The primary and m^st important of all 
measures of poliiieal refjrm is that which 
seeks to carry into the framework of the gov- 
ernmeua, and into all its operations, a jjracti- 
cal recognition of its dependence oa God and 
its duty of obedience to His laws. This is no 
union of Church and Slate; it is precisely the 
opposite. It is that grand philosopliy which 
we find in the writings of Washington, and 
especially emphasized in his "Farewell Ad- 
dress" to his countrymen, in the Declaration 
ot Independence, in the Ordinance of 1787, 
and in the lives and political teachings ot tbe 
founders of the Republic. They affirm that 
God is the Creator of all mrn; that all human 
rights? are the gifts of His hand, and that gov- 
ernments are instituted among men, for the 
sole purpose of protecting and f nforcing these 
God-gi'veu rights by His authoritv and under 
His laws. Civil liberty consists in the prcbi- 
bition of cnme^s by laws which depend en- 
tirely on the Divine decalogue. Take away 
those ten comuiandments, and there is no 
fouu'^alion left for any laws against crime, for 
civil liberty, or free government. Hence it is 
that slavery, the liquor crime, and every other 
crime against society, is opposed to tnis doc- 
trine of religion and morality in the govern- 
ment, as embodied in the Declaration ot In- 
dependence. Henee also, all polities are cor- 



rupt, whieli are not based on morals foundtd 
on religion. Religion anc" morality are not 
the same, for the reason that religion includes 
more than morals: but ibere is uo morality 
without leiigion. Religion and politics are 
not the same, lor the reason that the greater 
and the less are not the same. But the greater 
iuc'udes the less; politicsisa part of religion; 
and no citizen is u consistent Christian who 
does not conform his political action, in the 
light of his conscience, to the laws ot God. 
N'ltbiog is more absurd than the attempt now 
made by the demagogues of the liquor crime, 
to eonfound religion with sect, aud polit.cs 
with parry. There are parties without reli- 
gion, morals or poiitics. The two old parties 
of our country are immense illustrations of 
this truth. So there are sects .and churches 
with little or no religion. A witty lawyer once 
told me why he attended a certiiu cbuich. 
He said there were two reasons. In the hrst 
place, he liked his wife and she liked that 
church; and in the second place, the preach 
-*r there never said anything to interfere 
with any man's business, politics or religion. 
There are too many such churches. Sects and 
parties are mere tools made by men to work 
with. When they become corrupt, worn out 
and useless, they should be cast aside. But 
the truths of religion and politics are eternal 
and changeless as their Divine Author. 

This doctrine of religion and morality as e'*- 
sential to pure politics and free government, 
distinguished the tirst founders cif the Repub- 
lican party. The Liberty Party N:itional Con- 
vention of 1843, which nominated James G. 
Biruey for Presiilent, resolved, in these word.-: 
"T at we regard V' ting, in an eminent degree, 
as a moral and rehgious dutj ;" and, "It is a 
principle of universal morality th it the moral 
jaws of the Creator aie paramount to all hu- 
man laws;" and. "That the Ktrength of onr 
cause lies in its righteousness, and our hope 
f >r it in our contormity to the lav«s of God." 
The flixt year over sixty-two thousand voters 
declared for this doctrine, in support ot that 
nomination at the ballot box, and this sowed 
the seed of that moral harvest which ripened 
in the election of Lincoln to the presidency. 

The Republican party began its career in a 
fiame of religious enthusiasm, like that which 
fired the Crusaders in their march to rescue 
the Holy Sepulchre from the Moslem Infidels. 
It professed a great mission to rescue this gov- 
ernojent from the wickedness and infidelity 
engendered by Slavery, to assert the brother- 
hood of all men as children of the all-Father, 
and to make this verily "a nation whose God 
!•; the Lord." Its grand appeal was to the 
Christian churches and its text book ot poli- 
tics was the Bible. In irs first two national 
platforms ot 1856 and 18G0, it proclaimed as 
its chief purpose that "of restoring the action 
of the Federal government to the principles of 
Washington and Jefferson." It affirmed the 
doctrine of religion and morality in the gov- 
rnment maintained by thera and declared 



"Tual the mainfpnance of the principles pro- 
claimed in the Declaration of Independence 
and embodied in the Federal constitulun, is 
essential to the preservation of our Republi- 
can insfifution.s." 

"That we hold with onr Republican fath- 
ers, to be a self-evident truth, that all men 
are endowed with the inalienable rights of life, 
liberty and the pursuit of happiness, and that 
the piimary object and ulterior designs of our 
Federal government were, to secure these 
rights to all persons within its exclusive juri- 
dictiou." 

Abraham LioGoln entered upon his great 
mission, with a heart imbued with this senti- 
men*, and it pervaded all his public acts and 
words, until his death. In his farewell speech 
to the people of Springfield, when about to 
depart for Washington, after his first election, 
he said : 

"A duty devolves upon me which is, ptr- 
liaps, greater than that which has devolved 
npon any other man since the days of Wash- 
ington. He would never have succeeded ex- 
cept for the aid ot Divine Providence, upon 
whom h? at all times relied. I feel that I can- 
nijt succeed without the same Divine aid 
which sustained him and on the Almighty 
Being I pl-.ice my reliance and support." lu 
his speech at Independence Hall, Philadel- 
phia, in 18G1, he said of this doctrine of equal 
human iighis, derived from God, and to be 
enforced by government: "If this country 
cannot be saved withoutgivingnp that princi- 
ple, I was about to say, I wuld rather be as- 
sass'ma'ed on ihls spot than surrender it." 

In the last words f f his last Inaugural ad- 
dress, he said: "With malice toward none, 
with charity for all, wllh Jinnness in the righi, 
as God glees us to see ihe right, let us strive on 
to finish the work we are in." 

The appeals made by the Republican party 
and its great leader, Abraham Lincoln, to the 
moral and religious sentiment of the nation, 
were nobly answered, not merely in the work 
of the Sanitary and Christian Commissions, to 
assuage the horrors of war, but in the enlist- 
ment of soldiers for the battle-field and voters 
at the ballot idox, for the success of the Union 
cause. They were the means of bringing so 
large a portion as then appeared of the Christ- 
ian ministry and churches of the North with 
the Republican party. Bat during the admin- 
istration of Lincoln a great change began to 
be seen in the moral character and control of 
that party. In the year 1862, the Beer Infi- 
dels (or Liberals, as they style themselves), 
first appeared in this country as an organized 
body and formed what is known as the Beer 
Congress, of which the first session was held 
in New York that year, and the fifteenth ses- 
sion was held last June, in Cincinnati. It has 
grown to be a vast social, financial and politi- 
cal power m our nation, with branch associa- 
tions in all the States, Territories, districts 
and counties, combining with it the whole li- 
quor interest of the country. Tho members at 



6 



first were mostly of foreign birth and auU- 
slavery sentiments, and allied themselves with 
the Eepublican party on that question, and 
in support of the Union. But they hated, 
what they styled the Puritan fanticism of that 
party; and they at their tirstRession, dictated, 
and at every recurring session repeated their 
dictation of the terms on which their support 
should be continued in that party. In the 
life of Lincoln they could not control the pan- 
ty. Hence they opposed his renomination. 
To appease their enmity and secure their sup- 
port, Hamlin, a Prohibitionist from Maine, was 
put aside from the Vice Pre.e.idency, and the 
inebriate Johnson from Tennessee, was s ib- 
stitnted to represent the dram-shop interest. 
The last days ol Lincoln were embittered by 
the demagogues and ringleaders of the party, 
in and out of Congress, who were subservient 
to the Beer Infidels, and opposed to his poli- 
cy for the moral restoration of the goverumeut 
to the principles of Washington and Jefferson. 
He was, under Providence, the Mosts of his 
his parly, leading it through the Eed S^a of 
civil war; and when from the heights of vic- 
tory, he was looking into the protnised laud 
of peace and union, and was planning the 
great future of the Kepuljlic iu the complete 
inauguration of civil liberty and the principles 
of religion and morality as proclaimed in the 
Declaration of Independence, the hand of one 
drunkard laid him prostrate in death, and the 
hand of another drunkard grasped the reins of 
government. From that time, the Beer Infi- 
dels rapidly assumed control of the party. 
They declared against all Sunday laws, tem- 
perance lawg and moral legislation of every 
kind, as violations of the National Constitu- 
tion, of religious freedom and personal liber- 
ty- Their power v\as seen in the last three of 
the five National Conventions of the Republi- 
can party which entirely ignored in their plat- 
forms the principles of the Declaration of In- 
dependence so prominently proclaimed by the 
party in the first two of those Conventions. 
Against these principles the Beer Infidels, like 
the slaveholders, are at war, for their enforce- 
ment in the government would destroy the li- 
quor crime. In the year 18G9, at the winter 
session of the Beer Congress, this resolution 
was adopted : 

"Resolved, That we hereby reiterate and re- 
affirm, as our standing creed and unchangea- 
ble wurpose, to use all honorable means to 
deprive puritanical and temperance men of 
the power they have so long exercised in the 
councils of the political parties of this coun- 
try, and that for that purpose, we will sup- 
port no candidate for any office who is identi- 
fied with this illiberal and narrow-minded ele- 
ment." 

Three years after this, we find the Eepubli- 
can party at its National Convention in Phila- 
delphia, in 1872, nominating President Grant 
for re-election, and adopting the following 
resolution as the 16th plank of its platform: 

"The RepubUcan party proposes to respect 



the rights reserved by the people to themselves 
as carefully as the powers delegated by them to 
the State and to the Federal Goverument. It 
disapproves of a resort to unconstitutional laws 
for the purpose of removing evils by interfer- 
ence with rights not surrendered by the people 
to either State or national government." 

This was accepted by the Beer Infidels as 
expressive of their views against the union of 
religion and morality with government. The 
author of this resolution, Herman Raster, the 
editor of a Beer organ at Cbicago, was a meni- 
ber of the platform committee in that Conven- 
tion, and this is his reply to a letter from J. 
A. Miller, of Portsmouth, Mich., inquiring as 
to the evils referred to in that resolution; 

Chicago, III., Julj 10. 1872. 

J. 3f. Miller— Dear Sir: In reply to yours 
of July 8ih, I have to say that I have written 
the 16th resolution of the Philadelphia plat- 
form, and that it was adopted by thePlatfortH 
Committee with the full and explicit under- 
standing that ils purpose was the discounte- 
nancing otall so-called temperance (prohibi- 
tory) and Sunday laws. This purpose was 
meant to be expressed by refererce (o those 
rights of the people which had not been dele- 
gated to eitbeir National or State governments, 
it being assumed that the right to drink what 
one pleases (being responsible for the acta 
committed under the influence of strong 
drink), and the right to look upon the day 
<iu which Christians have their prayer meet- 
ings as. any other- day, were among the righta 
not delegated by the people, but reserved to 
themselves. Whether this explanation of the 
meaning ot the resolution will satisfy you or 
not, I do not know. But as yon want to serve 
the cause of truth, so do 1; and what I have 
stated here in regard to the -'true meaning 
and intent" of the 16th resolution ot the Phila- 
delphia platform is the truth. 

Yery respectfully, yours. 

Herman Raster. 

This correspondence was that year pub- 
lished throughout the country, and especially 
by the city Republican press, to influence 
the dram shop vot*^, as an authentic exposi- 
tion ot this plank in the platform, and the 
correctness of Mr. Raster's statement was not 
questioned. 

Last year, 1874, the Republican State Con- 
vention of Illinois, adopted this resolution, 
showing that Mr. Raster gave the correct 
sense ot the IGth plank of this last National 
Republican platform, as understood and in- 
tended by the leaders ot the party: 

"liesolved, That the Republican party pro- 
poses to respect the rights reserved by the 
people to themselves, as carefully as the pow- 
ers delegated by them to the State and Fed- 
eral Governments; and it will aim to secure 
the rights and privileges of the citizen with- 
out regard to nativity or creed; and it is op- 
posed to inierference by law loHh the habiis, 
iasies, or customs of uidividuals, except to 
suppress licentiousness or to preserve th 



peace and snft^ty of the citizens of the State."" 
In addition to this we have the interpretation 
given by our Republican United States Senator, 
John Sherman of the present position of his par- 
ty on this question. In hts speech at Alliance, 
Ohio, as reported in the Cincianati Gazette, iu 
1873, he said: "All parties to be useful must be 
founded upon poli'ieal ideas which affect 
the framework of our Government, or the 
rights and immunities secured by law. Ques- 
tions based upon temperance, religion, morali- 
ty, in all their multiplied forms, ought not to be 
the basis of parties." In his speech at New 
London, Ohio, the same year (also reported in 
the Cincinnati Gazette), he said; "All parties 
in this country should be political parties. They 
ought not to be based upon religious or special- 
ly moral grounds; hence temperance parties 
and organizations of that kind are not in accor- 
dance with the spirit of our institutions. Relig- 
ion, morality, &c., should be left to the individ- 
ual consciences of men. ' 

The candidate of the Republican party of 
this state for the office of Lieutenant Governor, 
Thomas L. Young, in his opening speech of the 
present campaign, at Columbus, expressed the 
pith of the Republican platform on the subject, 
in these words: "lieUgion is one thing and pol- 
itics is another.''^ How different is all this from 
the doctrine of the early Republicans, as ex- 
pressed by Charles Summer, who said: ^'Poli- 
tics is hut the application of morals to public af- 
f&irs." 

That the adoption of this plank in its plat- 
form, and the nomination of General Grant up- 
on it, taken in connection with the course of 
his administration, were received by the Beer 
Infidels as an adoption of their principles and 
policy, and consequently secured their support 
in the election of 1S73, we have the proof at the 
next (thirteenth) session of the Beer Brewers' 
Congress held at Cleveland in 1873. The Presi- 
dent of that Congress, Henry Clausen, in his 
opening address before it, there said: 

"Our relations with the government of the 
LTnited States during the last year, haye been of 
the most friendly character, and in several in- 
stances our requests, asking for some relief from 
some of the useless restrictions and regulations 
of the Internal Revenue Department, have been 
cheerfully complied with by the commissioner, 
Hon. J. W. Douglass. The Congress of the 
United States, acting under the petition of the 
brewers and with thu concurrence of the Com- 
missioner of Internal Revenue, has classified 
malt liquors separate from spirituous liquors, 
and thereby made a, discrimination in favor of 
malt liquors." 

In the last words of his opening address, Pres- 
ident Clausen said: "The last Presidential elec- 
tion has shown us what unity among us can do. 
Let our votes and our work iu the future be 
heard from in every direction." 

At the same session, H. H. Reuter, of Boston 
(who is now President of the Congress,) in his 
speech said: 

"It is true gentlemen, that our citizens of Ger- 
man extraction, almost as a body, identify them- 
selves with the Republican party, and have rea- 
son to point with pride to many results achieved 
with their assistance." The reference here is 
evidently to the so-called German Liberals. 
Here then we have three facts, plainly stated: 
first, that almost the entire body of German Lib- 



erals in '73 were ia the Republican party; Sec- 
ond, that by their unity of votes and efforts iu 
favor of Gen. Grant and the Republican party, 
thej' had achieved a great success for the inter- 
ests of the Beer Congress; third, that they had 
obtained important concessions from the Repub- 
lican Congress and administration, for the liq- 
uor traffic in tceneral. and the beer business ia 
particular. The evidence from the acts of the 
Republican party in their general government 
and in the States controlled by it during the last 
ten years, is overwhelming, as to its complete 
apostacv from the principles of Washington 
and Jefferson professed in the first years of its 
history, before it attained power in the nation. 
The truth is that its whole moral a.nd political 
nature is changed. It was organized on a basil 
of morality and religion, and fought its way to 
victory on the platform or moral Ideas, To-day 
it repudiates all claims of God, morality or re- 
ligion, on government, and all connection be- 
tween politics and the ten commandments. The 
men in Congress who voted for, and the Presi- 
dent who accepted the salary steal, now tell us 
that the Divine command "Thou shalt not 
steal," does not apply to modern politics. The 
Republican party has experienced a bad regen- 
eration. It is in the condition of the lunatic, in 
one of the asylums, of whom a visitor inquired 
his name. "My name," he said, "is Lucifer." 
"But," said the visitor, "you told me a few 
weeks since that you was the angel Gabriel." 
"That is true," said he, "I am both Gabriel and 
Lucifer, but by different mothers." So the Re- 
publican party has its two natures, angelic and 
infernel. Its angel part was born of the Bible, 
but its devil part was born of the dram-shop. 
Its angel has fulfilled its mission and has return- 
ed to the pearly gates above: its devil remains 
to "rule and ruin." 

But notwithstanding a}l their public profess- 
ions of the new Infidel dogma that politics have 
nothing to do with religion, the Republican 
leaders, in Ohio, this year, have taken up the 
religious question m a remarkable manner, and 
are loudly calling on all Protestants, Jews, and 
Infidels, to join them in a political crusade 
against the Catholic church. As a pretext for 
this, they say that the last Democratic legisla- 
ture passed a law which gives equal rights to all 
religious sects in the public institutions. As 
there are twenty different Protestant sects in 
our State, against one Catholic sect, it is evi- 
dent that every advantage under the law is 
twenty to one in favor of the Protestants, while 
no one can deny that the principles of equality 
is right. But it is said the leading Catholic or- 
gan in the state, which formerly sustained the 
Republican party, now advises its readers to vote 
the Democratic ticket; and that nearly all the 
Catholic voters in the Republican party have 
joined the Democratic. Are they any more dan- 
gerous in the Democratic party than they were 
in the Republican party? But they tell us that 
the great danger is that the Democratic party 
will become too religious, and that if it goes 
into power there will be a union of Church and 
State. What, the Democratic party a religious 
party! A greater lie was never uttered. I 
stand here to defend it from every such imputa- 
tion. The truth is that the Democratic party has 
no religion whatever. It lies prostrate, with the 
Republican party, at the feet of the Infidels, 
licking the dust and begging for their votes. 



8 



The great want of both these parties, is relisc- 
ion. Anything — Roman Catholic, Uuiversahst^ 
Swedenborgiau, Hicksite, Hardshell Baptist, 
Shaking Quaker, or Shouting Methodist, any 
that will cleanse them of their corruptions and 
will put the grace of God into their jioor, sinful, 
dying souls. Brethren pray for them, for the 
worst of men and the worst of parties, but 
don't vote for them. Never fear that they will 
have too much religion. 

The great peril which threatens our State, and 
nation is not the Roman Catholic or any other 
religion. It is Tolitical lufictelity born of dram 
shops; with that the Republican party stands in 
open alliance. There are more Beer Infldels vot- 
ing in the Republican party, they are increasing 
more rapidly in number by importation, and 
they exert a greater influence over that party, 
and through it over the government, thauCatholic 
voters in the Democratic party. There are and 
has been great Catholic monarchies and repub- 
lics in the world, under which people grew in 
civilization and prospered; but where is there 
an Infidel government in existence, among all 
the civilized nations? Where is . there one, ex- 
cept our own, which though its ruling head, is 
heard asserting that God, religion and morality 
have no part in the frame work and operations 
of that government? Search all history and you 
will find but one. the miserable republic of Dan- 
ton and Robespierre, which lived through a few 
months of horror by fcjrce of the guillotine, and 
then went down forever in a maelstrom of 
blood! Into the outer billows ot that maelstrom 
our ship of state is fast movin£, guided by a 
faithless pilot; and unless the Christian voters 
of this nation awake from their party delusion, 
and speedily change the helm, our Republic will 
800U follow that of France, into the same vortex 
of d3Struclion. 

.Second— EDUCATION and the public schools. 

Very closely allied and indispensable to Re- 
ligion and Morality in our system of govern- 
ment, is the general education of the people. 
The fricLds of this cause looked to the Republi- 
can party, with high hopes and confidence, 
which have been shamefully disappointed. The 
Republican party in Congress had the opportun- 
ity to have reconstructed the States which had 
been in rebellion, by a system of free and en- 
forced education, on the basis of intelligence, 
but they left the millions of freedmen, and the 
great mass of the people there, in the prof ound- 
est depths of ignorance. The party held 
the power to have placed in the Consti- 
tution ot the United Stales an amend- 
ment for free, universal and enforced 
education of the youth in all the States, and by 
law could have established it in the District of 
'Columbia and throughout the organized Terri- 
tories. But its leaders had no time to devote to 
such a glorious work, and the public money was 
too necessary for thuir selfish purposes. A few 
things the party pretended to do for education. 
It appointed a commissioner with an office at 
Washington, and styled it a Bureau of Educa- 
tion, to collect and publish statistics of which 
the annual reports show how vast and how 
vital to the welfare of the nation, is that work 
which the Republican party was entrusted with, 
for the education of the people, but which it did 
not even attempt to perform, during its long 
lease of power in Congress. A Bureau and Col- 
lege were founded ostensibly for the education 



of freedmen,. but "srere quickly converted into 
mere machinery for partisan frauds, x^eculatious 
and corruptions, until the leading colored men 
at Washington have denounced them, under 
their party management, as mere political 
nuisances, and more of a curse than a benefit to 
the race. A few land grants were made, nomin- 
ally for educational purposes, but they proved 
to be only plunder schemes in disguise, for the 
benefit of Republican politicians. Thus, like 
the Harpies at the tables of Phineas, it seemed 
that everything which was touched by the cor- 
rupt leaders of the party, was covered with 
pollution. 

In this State, the foundations were laid and 
the superstructure was erected, of our noble free 
school system, before the Republican party came 
into existence. Whigs and Democrats, when in 
power, vied with each other in the work, and 
never until this yeai , was a partj issue made, or 
permitted, over the public schools. The people 
regarded them as above all party interest and 
conflicts. During the fifteen years that the Re- 
publican party controlled our State affairs, very 
little was done for the improvement of the 
school system. But this year, the leaders of 
that party have waked up as from a life trance, 
on the subject, and are busy blowing the trump- 
ets and ringing all the firebclls in behalf of the 
schools. What is the matter? Why are they 
so suddenly zealous for education, in this 
political campaign? Simply and solely, be- 
cause it is the object of the political gamblers 
at the head of that party, to wiu the next elec- 
tion game, if possible, by diverting the attention 
of the Protestant Churches from the temper- 
ance question and enlisting them in a sham 
fight against the Catholics. They play for the 
stakes with churches instead of cards. At the 
same time, knowing the opposition of the Ger- 
man Liberals to the Catholics, it is hoped, by 
this means to call back those who left the party 
last year, under the effect of the Temperance 
Crusade. So it is designed to unite Protestants 
and Beer Infidels, in a" grand political crusade 
against the Catholics, for the sole object of 
electing the Republican ticket. The pretext for 
all this is, that the public schools are in danger 
from the Catholics. It is loudly asserted by the 
Republican press and speakers in this canvass, 
that the Catholic religion is inimical to educa- 
tion of the people and that it depends upon 
popular ignorance for support. If this charge 
be true, and if there is such imminent danger 
to the cause of education, both in the State and 
Nation, from that source, whv did not the Re- 
publican leaders, during the fourteen years of 
their absolute power in'Congress, and the fifteen 
years of their supremacy iu this State, make 
provisions for the enforced education of the 
youth? Such an amendment to the National 
Constitution, and such a law iu Ohio, would 
have removed all danger of this sort, if there is 
any truth whatever iu this charge against the 
Catholics. It was the main thing wanted iu 
our State, when the Republican party went into 
power, aud found our grand free school system 
firmly established. We had enforced taxation 
and a great school fund, but a hundred thous- 
and of the youth of our State were deprived to- 
tally, or for the most part, of the rich benefits 
so freely bestowed by the State. The Republi- 
can leaders were vainly urged by the friends of 
, education to permit such a law to be passed. 



They feared to lose the votes, not ouly of a few 
Catholics, but of the selfish and vicious parents 
and others, hi charge of children, who were not 
willing to send theui to the free schools. But 
no sooner was the Republican party overthrown 
in the State, and the D(nnoci-ats took charge of 
the Legislature, than a bill for the enforced edu- 
cation of the youth of our State passed the Sen- 
ate by a large majority, and only failed of be- 
coming a law, because in the House it matured 
too late in the session for a final vote; hut there 
was a majority in ibat branch in its favor, as 
was evidenced by the action there upon the bill. 
If the Republican theory of this campaign, on 
this quesiioi), be true, a more fatal blow could 
not have been struck at the Catholic power in 
this State, and yet it was done by a Democratic 
"Senate, which it is pretended, was under con- 
trol of the Catholics! 

It is said that the special danger threatened, 
is the division of the school fund to enable the 
Catholics to maintain sectarian schools, with 
their part of the fund. And this is urged in 
face of the facts, that the constitution of Ohio 
forever prohibits the division of the school fund 
for any such purpose; that this Constitution was 
the work of the Democratic party largely in 
power in the convention which framed the con- 
etiturinn; that it was adopted, at the polls, by 
the Democratic party vote, the Whigs generally 
voting against it; and that the last Democratic 
/State Convention adopted a resolution, express- 
ly attirming that prohibition of the Constitution 
and declaring for the inviolability of the school 
fund. Yet, it is said, that there is a seciet com- 
pact between the Democrats and Catholics, as 
to this matter; and the Republican leaders are 
in paroxysms of distress and terror over the 
imagined danger. They are in the mental con- 
dition of the servant girl, Dolly, who had been 
heating the brick oven for baking, and whom 
her mistress found sitting down in front of it, 
and weeping violently. On being asked what 
was tlie matter, she said: 

'•Ob, I have been thinking that if I should get 
married and should hive a dear little baby; and 

Oh, if I should be hearing the oven for bak- 
ing, just as It is now, red hot; and 

Ob, if that dear liciJe biiby should be playing 
in front of the oven and should full in, and be 
all burned up, 

Oh, dear we, what a dreadful thing it would 
he.' 

Just so, these Rppubiicaii DuUies are weeping 
through the newspapers and over all the stumps 
in the State, and when sensible people ask them 
what they are crying about, they say: 

"Oh, we have been thinking, that if the 
Catholics should get the upper hand in the 
Democratic party; and 

Ob, if the Democrats fhould cai^y the next 
fclef'.tion;aud 

Oh, if they should get the majority of two- 
thirds in both branches of the Legislature, re- 
quired for the pu.ipose; and 

Oh, if the Catholics should compel all those 
Democrats in the Legislature, to vote in favor 
of a proposition submitting to the people an 
amendment of the Constitution, to strike out 
the section prohibiting the sectarian division of 
the school fund; and 

Oh. if a majority of all the people of Ohio, 
should then vote in fovor of such an amend- 
ment to the Constitution; and 



Oh, if after that, the next Legislature should 
again be Democratic and should be controlled 
by the Catholics: and 

Oh, if that Democratic Legislature shotild 
pass a law to divide the school fund, according 
to population, giving more than five-sixths of it 
to the Protestants and others, and less than one- 
sixth of it to the Catholics! 

Oh, dear, what a drendjnl thing it would he!" 

The fact is, as we all recollect who were in 
that contest, the main battle was fonght over 
the school question, more than twenty years 
ago, before the Republican party was formed. 
Then, there were many Protestant academies 
and seminaries throughout the State, for which 
much money had been invested in the erection 
of buildings, and it was seen that the introduc- 
tion of free graded schools, on the union plan, 
would supplant these. Hence there was a very 
strong Protestant opposition, united to that 
coming from the Catholics. But the cause of 
free schools triumphed at the ballot box. The 
Uniou Schools were successfully established in 
all the cities and villages, and most of the Pro- 
testant school building were either converted to 
their use, or sold for other purposes. Now the 
Protestant opposition has nearly all ceased, and 
a considerable part of the Catholics favor the 
free schools. We have seen the fact stated in 
the press and not denied, that of six Catholic 
members of the last Constitutional Convention, 
all but one voted in favor of repeating in the 
new Constitution that section of the old, prohib- 
iting a sectarian division of the School fund. 
However that may be, the, opposition among the 
Catholics is the same which has existed for a 
quarter of a century, and there is nothing new 
in it, or in the expressions of sentiment, from 
Catholic speakers and writers, on the subject, 
which are published with such an outcry, by 
the Republican politicians and press. Among 
the mass of the people, the feeling of the free 
public schools has been growing stronger every 
day, during this quarter of a century; and it 
vvould be just as absurd to call for a fort and 
garrison, with pointed guns, above Niagara 
FallSy to prevent Catholics from rovving up the 
cataract, as it is to make a political party cam- 
paign against them, in defense of the schools. 
The great danger to them lies in another direc- 
tion. It consists in the organized effort of the 
Dram Shop Inffdels, operating through both of 
the old political parties, to drive religion and 
morality out of the public schools and to make 
them mere nurseries of Infidelity. They very 
well kuow that the ouly way to exclude religion 
and morality from the government, is to begin 
at the public schools. Hence the Bible is first 
expelled from the schools, and then all books 
and instructions which iuculate obedience to 
God and respect for his laws. This is the great 
evil which threatens destruction to our school 
system and which should unite all Ckiistian 
voters, and all true friends of the schools, 
against both of those old parties. 

T/u/-cZ— The Crimeof Color Caste. 

One of the crimes against God and man, 
opposed to religion and morality in the govern- 
ment, and in conflict with the Declaration of In- 
dependence, in that which discriminates against 
the rights of man on account of their race and 
color. This has been made the basis of slavery, 
injustice and oppression in all ages of the world. 
The Republican party is entitled to credit for 



10 



what it lias done in the abolition of this crime, " 
as to all native and naturalized citizens under 
our flag. The moral elements in that party 
could not have brought its leaders up to this 
work if they had not seen that a million color- 
ed votes, and the continuance of power and 
patronage for the party in the national govern- 
ment depended on it. Hence they went no 
farther in the work than their selfish inteiests 
required. Slavery, for it& own purposes, re- 
stricted the benefit of the naturalization laws to 
free white persons. Of the five races of hu- 
manity, only the Caucasian was admitted to the 
rights of citizenship. The Republican party 
permitted this crime to remain in full force on 
the statute book, during the ten years in which 
it held absolute power in Congress. Then at 
the demand of the Freedmen of the South, and 
to secure their further support, in 1870, the Re- 
publican party in Congress took up the natural- 
ization laws and amended them in these words: 

"And be it farther enacted, That the natural- 
ization laws are hereby extended to aliens of 
African nativity and to persons of African 
descent." There has been no change since. 

It is a correct rule, that when a legislative 
body, having full power over a law, take it up, 
consider and amend it, the law as amended be- 
comes the act of that body. The laws of natu- 
ralization as then amended, are therefore the 
act of the Republican party in Congress. By 
them all foreigners from three of the races of 
mankind, the Mongolian, Malay and Indian, are 
prohibited from becoming citizens of the United 
States, for no reason, except that they were not 
born with white or black skins. These comprise 
over two thirds of the whole population of our 
globe. All the barbarous tribes of Africa are wel- 
come here,while the great semi-civilized races of 
the other hemisphere are rejected, solely on the 
ground of color. Tnere is an opposition, chief- 
ly in the European dram-shop element of the 
cities, to competition with cheap labor from 
other quarters of the globe. Tlie immigrants 
from Asia are nearly all Prohibiiicnists, and they 
do not rush to the grog-shops with their ]);''- 
ronage, on their first landing. They do not un- 
denstand the importance of securing the favor 
of the Beer Infidels, if they would gain political 
rights under our government. The Republican 
leaders see that more votes might be lost than 
would be immediately gained, by opening the 
gates of the republic on terms of equality, to all 
mankind; and so they have deliberately adopt- 
ed and perpetuated the critne of color caste in 
our government, to the eternal shame of our 
boasted free institutions. Last year, a gentle- 
man from China, was denied his first naturaliza- 
tion papers, on application to a Republican 
Court, in my county, solely because he was 
guilty of being born with a yellow skin. These 
Republican leaders are now in moral convul- 
sions, over dangers which they say, threaten 
our Republican institutions from the Catholics; 
and they are reading from the stump, and print- 
ing in their papers, statistics, to alarm the peo- 
ple, as to the great increase of Catholic immi- 
gration from Europe. If these men were hon- 
est, and while they held power, had obeyed God 
and done justice to the children of all His fam- 
ily, there would not be the slightest cause for 
any such apprehension. This Republic was born 
of God for a mighty and manifest destiny, that 
it might execute, and illustrate before all the 
world, the great princiiiles of Divine Father- 



Bible and in the Declaration of Independence. 
He placed it in its cradle here, between the two 
world-oceans, that as it grew in stature, it might 
spread abroad its arms over both, and gather in- 
hood and human brotherhood, proclaimed in the 
to its bosom, with equal love and care, all the 
races of His children. There is the Atlantic, 
and across it stand Catholic and Protestant Eu- 
rope, from which we have drawn so largely of 
immigration. There is the Pacific, and across 
it stands Anti-Catholic Asia, waiting to pour its 
millions into our midsl, if we will give to them 
protection, with tbe benefits of education and 
equal rights. There are a thousand islands of 
Japan, with a popiulatlon of over forty millions 
of the noblest type of the Mongolian race. They 
are the hereditary foes of the Romish Church. 
Long ago they expelled the Jesuits and exter- 
minated their followers; and then for two cent- 
uries, they closed their ports against all the civ- 
ilized world but the Protestant Dutch. Their 
children are taught to trample on the symbols 
of the Romish faith. But when these people 
come to our shores, eager to vote against the 
Catholics on any issue that may be made, they 
are met by these Repuulican leaders, who pre- 
tend to be in such lively terror of the Catholics, 
and are told that they cannot be permitted to 
vote here, because God clothed them with yel- 
low skins. Two years ago, a Japanese embassy 
visited this country. Congress apprupriated 
fifty thousand dollars for their expenses. They 
were received with civic ovatiuus, by the Re- 
publican administration and the people, and 
were delighted with their welcome, and with 
what they saw of our institutions. All were 
satisfied that they were a people worthy of our 
alliance, and we entered into close commercial 
relations with them. A few weeks since, I was 
informed by a member of the Senior class of 
Princeton College, that one of the most talented 
and exemplary members of his class, is a native 
of Japan. Several students were sent to that 
College, by the Japanese Government, but were 
recalled last year. This yountc man declined to 
go, preferring to complete his education and 
perhaps cast his lot heie. Imagine him, when 
he graduates next year, going before a Republi- 
can court, to declare hisiutendun of becoming a 
citizen of this republic. He is told that by a 
law enacted by the Republican party in Con- 
gress, there are two superior races here, the 
black and white, and because he belongs to a 
race inferior in color, he cannot be admitted to 
political equality with them. Well might he ex- 
claim, "Can this be su? Iq Japan we were 
taught that ours was the supeiior race, and that 
all others iu the world were our inferiors. So 
we closed our doors and lefu&ed to have inter- 
course with them. Then cauie your Commodore 
Perry, with his tleet, and told us that God was 
the Maker atfd Father of us all, and that all 
men were brethren, endowed by their Creator 
with equal rights to life, liberty, and happiness. 
It was not kis fleet and cannon that awed us, 
but this glorious message which he brought, _ 
won our hearts, and we threw wide open our' 
doors and our arms to your people. And now 
I am told, in this land of the Declaration of In- 
dependence, by your great Republican party 
which rules this government, that all this is a 
cheat and a lie: that we are not children of the 
same Father, entitled to equal rights. Oh, have 
I been so deceived? My God, in this America!' 
But look again. There, in the Pacific ocean 



11 



are the Sandwich Islands phickcd from barbar- 
ism and converted to Christianity, by the toils 
and sacrifices of devoted Protestant American 
missionaries ; where cidzens of American birth 
are received with honor, clothed with the suf- 
frage, and invested with the highest offices in the 
Kingdom, next to the King himself. Last year, 
his Hawaiian majesty came to this country, the 
first monarch who ever visited the United States 
and was received by the Republican administra- 
tion with distinguished honor. The Republican 
Congress voted twenty-five thousand dollars to 
pay his expenses, and he had splendid receptions 
at Washington and in our chief cities. But if 
he had proposed to lay down his crown to be- 
come a citizen of this republic; or if any of his 
Protestant subjects had come with him, to dwell 
here, as the home of the Christian civilization 
which they had become taught by the American 
missionaries to love, they would have been met 
by this Republican party, with the Infidel taunt, 
that there is no such thing as the equality of 
human rights under God; that they wore brown 
skins, and were of Malay origin, too far below 
the scale of our humanity, to claim the rights 
of manhood here. 

There, also, are the Christian Indians of Can- 
ada, of whom there are a large number, Pro- 
testants and Prohibitionists, with schools and 
churches, far advanced in intelligence and civil- 
ization. But they cannot cross the St. Law- 
rence and enter our Republican family, because 
they have red skins, though they are part of 
that aboriginal race which once owned this con- 
tinent. 

And yet the Republican leaders who have so 
infamously apostatized from the main principles 
on which their party was formed, while they 
thus bolt and bar the gates of the Republic 
against more than seven hundred millions of 
anti-Catholics, because they are not of a white 
or black color, have the audacity to pretend, in 
the face of an intelligent people,that they are in 
great fear of Catholic supremacy in our govern- 
ment, on account of white immigration from 
Europe. The double hypocrisy of this pretense 
is manifest from another fact. At the Ohio 
State Republican Convention of 1873, this reso- 
lution waa adopted : 

^^ Resolved, That we cordially welcome to our 
shores the oppressed of all countries, and, re- 
membering with pleasure that adopted citizens 
have always proved loyal to the fiag of the re- 
public, toe favor such modification of the natur- 
alization la^Ds, as will matenally shorten the time 
of probation before voting." 

Here was this Republican party, onlv two 
years ago, dowu on its knees before our Catho- 
lic adopted citizens, asking for their votes, 
praising their loyalty to the flag, and proposing 
(what no other convention of party demagogues 
ever before ofEered), to take down the low limit 
fixed by the fathers of the Republic for the pro- 
bation of aliens, and to hasten them at once, to 
the ballot box. 

Now they denounce these Catholic adopted 
citizens as enemies of our institutions, and pro- 
fess to be greatly alarmed because they form so 
large a part of our immigration. 

If they made such excellent citizens two years 
as;o, what is the matter now ? 

Fourth— TUE LIQUOR CRIME. 

Another crime opposed to Religion and Mor- 
ality in the government, the greatest of all 



crimes against God and man, and more destruc- 
tive to the lives, liberty and happiness of the 
people, than all other brimes combined, is the 
Liquor crime. The Republican party in its 
cradle was pledged to the extinction of this 
crime. We are often told, as a reason why 
Prohibitionists should vote the Republican 
ticket, that there were more friends of temper- 
ance in its ranks than in the Democratic party. 
Whatever may be the fact now (and it is fast 
becoming a doubtful point), once it was em- 
phatically true. The Republican party was 
born in the arms of Temperance and Freedom, 
under a mutual convenant by the friends of 
both reforms, to apply the same principle of 
Prohibition to slavery and the liquor crime. 
Before the birth of the Republican party, the 
Prohibition cause was moving in majesty and 
power over the nation, and commanding at the 
ballot-box, the suffrages of more than a million 
voters. Beginning with the enactment of the 
Main Law in 1851, it carried the six New 
England States, with New York, Delaware, 
Michigan, Indiana, Iowa, Minnesota and Ne- 
braska. Thirteen States and Territories en- 
acted the Maine Law, and a powerful organiza- 
tion had arisen in its support, in Ohio and most 
of the States in the Union. This great onward 
movement was interrupted by the passage of 
the Nebraska bill through Congress, and the 
civil war in Kansas. The Republican party 
was formed; and of the thirteen States which 
gave their electoral votes for the first Republi- 
can candidate for President, General Fremont, 
eleven had passed the Maine Law, and. the other 
two, Ohio and Michigan, had a strong Prohibi- 
bition vote in each, forming a large majority of 
the Republican party there. But how has the 
Reoublican party paid the debt of its birth? 
Only with the knife of the parricide. In all but 
two of those Maine Law States, it stands this 
day covered with the blood of the temperance 
cause. To obtain the votes of the Beer Infidels, 
it either abolished the prohibitory laws against 
malt and fermented liquors, or substituted the 
license system. Last year it did this in three of 
those States, Massachusettis, Rhode Island and 
Michigan, where this party has long held com- 
plete controL The only Prohibitory States left, 
are Maine and Vermont, and if it had not been 
for the overwhelming popularity of the Maine 
Law in those two States, arising from its suc- 
cessful operation there through more than 
twenty-two years, the Republican leaders would 
have added them to the sacrifice, which they had 
offered on the altars of Gambrinns, to secure the 
favor of the Beer Congress. Pledges given to 
the temperance voters of Massachusetts, Rhode 
Island, New York and Pennsylvania, by the Re- 
publican leaders, in favor of general or local 
prohibition, and even inserted in their party 
platff^rms, by which they gained the support of 
those voters "for Grant in 1872, have been ruth- 
lessly violated; and except the two Maine Law 
States, the Republicans now stand as a political 
unit, opposed to Prohibition. Their alliance 
with the Beer Infidels is open and shameless. 
The Beer Congress, at several of its last sessions, 
has had an official representative of the Grant 
administration there,* whose reports were made 
to the Government and printed at the public ex- 
pense. When was a national Temperance con- 
vention thus honored by our governmentV When 
were Its statistics and proceedings admitted to a 
place in the public archives'? So far to the con- 



12 



trary, the last Republican Congress refused the 
petitions of the National Temperance Society, 
and of many thousands of our most worthy citi- 
zens, to appoint a National Commission, with- 
out expense to the Government, to collect and 
report statistics and facts connected with the li- 
quor traffic, vital to the interests of the country. 
The Republican administration has gone into 
public co-partnership with the liquor interest, 
and by its patronage has immensely increased 
the product and consumption of all liquors, and 
especially of malt and fermented liquors. Pres- 
ident Grant in one of his messages to Congress, 
recommended the appointment of a commission 
to devise ways and means to enlarge the produc- 
tion of intoxicating liquors, for foreign export, 
that thus the revenue might be increased. A 
quarter of a century ago, the manufacture of 
what is known as the German or Lager Beer, 
was unknown in this couutrj*. Now it has three 
thousand breweries in operation in the United 
States, and its annual product is over nine mil- 
lion barrels. This great increase is due very 
much to the fostering aid of the Republican par- 
ty, in the State legislatures and in Congress; 
and the fact is recognized in the thanks voted 
by the Beer Congress to the Republican Admin- 
istration and Congress, for their discrimination 
in fayor of malt and brewed liquors against dis- 
tilled liquors. This is seen in the tax levied. 
Every gallon of whisky, the favorite Democratic 
tluid, pays a revenue of ninety cents, while lager 
beer, the favorite Republican beverage, pays a 
direct tax of only one dollar per barrel; and 
other charges are in proportion. Democratic 
whisky is taxed almost thirty times as much as 
Republican beer. Last winter, it was discovered 
that there was a void, an "aching void," in the 
treasury, caused by excessive larceny, which re- 
quired at least forty nlillions to fill it. Presi- 
dent Grant proposed to restore the tax on "the 
poor man's luxuries," tea and coffee (which had 
been abolished at the sessifm of Congress next 
prior to the election of 1872, to make votes for 
him), and to increase the tax on whisky. _ The 
tax on tea and coffee was about twenty-five mil- 
lions a year, while that ©n nearly nine mUlion 
barrels of beer, was not over nine million dol- 
lars. Yet the Republican leaders aid not dare 
to increase the tax on beer, but they added a 
large per centum to the tax on whisky and to- 
bacco. This fact demonstrates their abject ser- 
vility to the Beer Infidels. 

When a political party stands up and declares 
to the world, that God has nothing to do with 
its administration of the government, then it 
admits that the devil has everything to do with 
it. If God's laws have no recognition and no 
power in it, then the engine that propels it is 
ted by infernal tires. This is literally true of 
the Republican administration. The motive 
power which propels its machioery, comes from 
the blood and tears of the wretched victims of 
intemperance. The last National Republican 
Convention declared that the whole internal 
revenues should come from liquor and tobacco. 
It seems fitting that an administration which 
lives and moves and has its being in the vices 
and crimes of Its people, should renounce all 
allegiance to Heaven and enter into open alli- 
ance with Hell. The Republican party is the 
first and only National License party that ever 
existed in the United States. It is denied by 
some of the apologists for this party, that the 
license to make and vend intoxicating liquors, , 



I issued under the internal revenue act first pass- 
ed by the Republican Congress in 1862, and as 
since amended, is anything but a mere tax re- 
ceipt. Senator Sherman in his speech at 
Springfield last year said: "A license is a per- 
mit to do something; the United States taxes 
everv liquor seller, but they do not license." 
This is true within the limits and under the jur- 
isdiction of the state government only. A full 
license includes the police power, and that the 
general government cannot exercise within the 
States, except as to certain specific crimes and 
offences against the nation. But in all of the 
territories, covering an area larger than the 
thirteen original Stages which formed the Union; 
in the District of Columbia, on all the great 
lakes and navigable rivers which are the nation- 
al highways of commerce, and over the inter- 
State railway lines, the general government has 
absolute police control. Wherever intoxicating 
liquors are lawfully made or sold within this 
national jurisdiction, it is only by direct author- 
ity and permission of the Republican adminis- 
tration. Every one there engaged in this des- 
troying work, is the agent of the Republican 
party, and of every man who votes the Republi- 
can ticket. The revenue act provides that it 
shall not be held to authorize any trade, occu- 
pation or business, specially prohibited by State 
or municipal law. Outside of the States, ihe 
liquor traffic is covered by the federal jjermit, 
except the Indian reservations and a few places 
where it has been interdicted by authority of 
Congress. Everywhere elsy it exists by national 
license. An illustration of this fact occurred in 
the Territory of Utah: The Mormans are pro- 
hibitionists, and by law suppressed the traflic of 
intoxicating diinks in Salt Lake City. As a 
natural result, while that law was in force, they 
had peace and order in that city. A lawyer re- 
siding there, formerly from Ohio, whom t have 
known for thirty years, who is not a Mormon, 
informed me that such was the good order there 
that ladies in the evening, went alone through 
any street in the city, in perfect safety. Now nil 
is changed, for grog shop rufiianism and disor- 
der have taken posession, under the license sys- 
tem. When the Pacific railway was completed 
liquor sellers began their clandestine traffic. 
The Mormon authorities enforced their prohibi- 
tory laws. The Uniced States District Judge 
appointed by the Republican administration at 
Washington, pronounced all prohibition of the 
traffic against the laws of Congress null and 
void, and held that only a license law could be 
maintained. Then the Mormon authorities 
placed the license fee at three hnndred dollars 
per month, and several licenses were taken out 
at that high rate. But the same Judge s-ro- 
nouuced ibis equivalent to prohibition and there- 
fore void. The Mormons reduced it to two 
hundred dollars a month, and this he also de- 
clared void. Then they reduced it, to one hund- 
red dollars per month, and this he permitted to 
stand. Thus the Republican party forced the 
pestilential curse on the people there, who 
sought to protect themselves against it. This 
was the same judge who was removed from 
office for imprisoning a polygamist, but he was 
sustained by the Republican administration in 
this outrage on the people, to augment the 
blood 'stained revenues of the government. Such 
has been the course of the Republican party in 
the nation on this question. What did it do in our 
Stale during fifteen years that it held enlire^con- 



13 



trol here? It found a law upon the statute 
book, which, in a mutilated form, is yet in ex- 
istence, and had been passed by the Democratic 
Legislatiire in 1851, when the Democratic party 
had a majority of two-thirds in both branches. 
At the December term that year, it was taken to 
the Supreme Court, then composed entirely of 
Democratic Judges, Thurraau (now U. S. Sena- 
tor), Ranney, Bartley, Kennon, and Warden, 
was fully examined by them, and pronounced 
constitutional and right. Hence it was emphat- 
ically Democratic law, and yet there is no credit 
due to the Democratic party for its enactment. 
It was won in a political battle by the Prohibi- 
tionists, who in 1853, threw off their party fet- 
ters, and by an organized effort elected about 
one-third of the members of the Legislature 
pledged for the Maine Law, and the others 
pledged for a stringent substitute. This law 
was a result of that effort, and was forced from 
the Democratic majority, as by the sword, to 
escape the alternative of the Maine Law. The 
first three sections, prohibit the sale of distilled 
liquors to be drank in upon or about the prem- 
ises where sold, and the sale of any intoxicating 
liquor to minors or drunkards. The eighth sec- 
tion, as then enacted, provide: "Tnat fur evei-y 
violation of the provisions of the first, second 
and third sections of this act, every person so 
offending shall forfeit and pay a fine of not less 
than twenty, nor more than fifty dollars, aiid be 
imprisoned in the, jail of the county for not less 
than ten nor more than thirty days, and pay the 
costs of prosecution ;" and for keeping a place 
where liquors are sold in violation of the act, a 
fine of from fifty to one hundred dollars, and. 
imprisonment in the county jail fvom txnenty to 
fifty days. This law had a great effect on the 
tht trafhc. In a number of counties, liquor sell- 
ers and their victims were looking out at the 
same grated windows of the jail. There was a 
dram shops, and the Republican Legislature sold 
itself to them for votes in support of the party. 
In 1859, the Republican party being in full pow- 
er in both branches, the Legislature passed a 
law amending the Act of 1854, by striking out 
the word "and," wherever it occurred before 
the imprisonment clause, and substituting the 
word "or", thus throwing upon the judges of 
courts the responsibility of imprisoning liquor 
dealers, without the requirement of law. This 
was like aknife driven to theheartof thelaw and 
it has been dead ever since. Few judges have 
since dared to use their discretion for imprison- 
ment; and what do liquor dealers care far a pal- 
try fine of a few dollars, which they can make 
up in the profits ot a few hours, at their bars? 
It was the jail only that had terrors for them. 

Next the Republican Legislature passed a law 
prohibiting, under severe penalties, the taking 
of intoxicating liquors into jails (unless inside 
of a man); and having thus declared by statute 
that liquor sellers and liquors were too good to 
go to jail, the Republican party rested from its 
labors on this question. It passed an act 
against the sale of liquor on election days. 
What other law did it pass against the traffic 
during those fifteen years of its supremacy in 
our State? And yet there are found men pro- 
fessing to be poliiical teachers of the people so 
ignorant of our public legislatioa as to say, we 
owe all our temperance laws to the Republican 
party. 

Last year, for the first time in its history, the 
Republican party oi Ohio, compeUed by the 



pressure of the temperance crusade, referred to 
the evil of "intemperance," in its'platform, and 
declared that the "restraint" of it, "and the 
forfeiture of public trust for intoxication, are 
demanded by the moral and material welfare of 
society and the State." It said nothing against 
the liquor traffic, but only condemned drunken- 
ness and drunkards. Yet even here it was dis- 
honest. It merely admitted a great wrong of 
which it had been guilty, but without repentance 
or reform. The Republican party has placed 
in the highest office of the nation, in the Presi- 
dency, a drunkard for four years, and a semi- 
druukard for eight years. It placed in the high 
oflloe of Lieutenant-Governor of this State, ia 
1871, a Beer Infidel, who was a notorious inebri- 
ate, and who, at the time of his nomi nation, wa^i 
found in such a state of intoxication, by the 
committee appointed for the purpose (as we are 
informed by one of them, who is now a Prohi- 
bitionist), that they did not. for the sake of de- 
cency, present him to Ihe Nominating Conven- 
tion. He was elected by nearly the'full party 
vote. The next year he was placed by the par- 
ty, as one of the two delegates for the State-at- 
large, at the head of the delegation sent to the 
Republican National Convention, to nominate 
Gen. Grant and to engraft the Beer Infidel doc- 
trine in the sixteenth plank of its platform. 
The next year after that he was elected by hia 
party to the Constitutional Convention to work 
for the liquor interest there. The party has ap- 
pointed myriads of drunken politicians to office 
in the Nation, and thousands of them are now 
in office. This year, in Ohio, it has placed on 
its St'ite ticket three candidates well known as 
addicted to intoxication, and it has everywhere 
through the State nominated men for office who 
drink liquor largely, for the purpose of winning 
back that part of its dram-shop vote which it 
lost last year. The Prohibitionists who were 
then led away by that false decoy into the Re- 
publican wilderness, to see "a reed shaken of 
the wind," are left there deserted, with nothing 
in their hands but another proof of Republican 
perfidy, another of these broken reeds of 
Egypt. When a political party denounces and 
derides all faith of government in God, who can 
look to it for fidelity to man ? 

FIFTH— THE COST OF GOVERNMKNT. 

The Republican party promised, as one of the 
principles of Washington and Jefferson, to re- 
store economy in the adminis^rratiou of the gov- 
ernment. It denounced the Democratic party, 
especially, for its profligate expenditures whila 
in power. How it has fulfilled its promise of 
this reform, it is easy to see by reference to a 
few official figures. The average annual ex- 
pense of our government for all purposes except 
debts in the eight years of Washington's ad- 
ministration, was less than two millions of dol- 
lars, and in the eight years of Jefferson's ad- 
ministration, was not much over five millions. 
Under Grant it has risen up to over three hun- 
dred millions a year, more than four fold that 
of the highest Democratic administration. As 
proof of the financial difference between a gov- 
ernment which honors God and obeys the tea 
commandments, and one which pays no respect 
to them in politics, but all respect to the Beer 
Congress, we will contrast by figures the two 
Republican administrations of Lincoln and 
Grant. Omitting all expense for the principal 
and interest of the Public Debt, for the Arojy, 



14 



the Navy, the Indians and Pensions, we find the 
annual expenditures of the general government 
for three years, to June 30th, were as follows : 



UNDER LINCOLN. 

1863 $21,385,863 59 

1863 23,198,383 37 

1864 27,573,316 87 



Beiu! 



Total 
; an average 



1873 
1874 
1875 



$73,156 461 83 
of $34,063,158 94 

UNDER GRANT. 

§73,338,110 06 
69,641,533 03 
71,070,703 98 



$314,040.346 06 



Total, 

Being an average of ' $70,346,788 02 
a year, or almost three times the amount ex- 
pended under Lincoln for the ordinary purposes 
of government. When the Republican chair- 
man of the Ways and Means Committee of the 
House called attention to the facts, that the 
costs of collecting the customs had increased 
from $4,000,000 in 1866 to $8,000,000 in 1873- 
that since 1865 to 1874 the sum of $103,000,000 
had been spent on public buildings; that a large 
number of collecting officers were kept whose 
salaries exceeded the amounts of their collec- 
tions, and that the expenses of the government 
were in excess of its income, by over forty mil- 
lions, it was evident that the principles of Wash- 
ington and Jefferson were very foreign to the 
treasury department, under this Republican ad- 
ministration. In four years the whole amount 
expended for the Indians, was fourteen mil- 
lions under Lincoln, and twenty-six millions un- 
der Grant. 

SIXTH.— AGRICULTURE AND COMMERCE. 

The Republican party, as the professed rep- 
resentative of the right of free labor, is indebt- 
ed for its success to the confidence and suffra^-es 
of the farmers of the country, and especialli°of 
the West. How it has treated them in return, 
is seen in this expression of sentiment as to 
both the old parties, adopted by the Illinois 
State Farmer's Association, in December 1873: 

"Ilesolved, That the recent record of the old 
political parties of this country, is such as to 
forfeit the confidence and respect of the people 
and that we are therefore absolved from all al- 
legiance to them and should act no longer with 
them." 

Last year (1874) a State Convention of far- 
mers there, nominated an independent ticket 
against both the old parties, and cast over 
seventy-five thousand votes. While the Repub- 
lican Congress bestowed immense grunts of 
land, money and power, to build up corrupt 
money kmgs, and great railwav monopolies 
which bind our farmer of the West to their iron 
chariots and rob their industry by oppressive 
exactions, it denied to the farmers the legi.-la- 
tion which they sought for their protection and 
for the development of agriculture. Their in- 
terests are allied with the commerce of the 
country. The war had, for the most part, driv- 
en the American flag from the seas. It requir- 
ed aid from the government to restore our ship- 
ping. President Grant, in 1873, oflScially in- 
formed Congress of the fact, that we were then 
paying eighty millions a year to foreign vessels 
to carry our surplus products to the world's 



( market. With that balance of trade against us, 
how could we resume specie payment? Con- 
gress refused aid to the honest mariners, seek- 
ing to rebuild the commerce of the nations and 
to restore the old glory of our flag before all 
nations; but it voted a million subsidy to one 
Mail Steam Ship Company to carry twonty-five 
thousand a year of mail transportation to Asia, 
and millions to other Ocean Steam Snip lines, 
for the special benefit of Republican politicians, 
who shared largely in the profits, as proved by 
official investigations. It is equally true as to 
the lines of internal transportation and trade. 
In return for their hopes and suffrages, the far- 
mers of the West have received from this Re- 
publican party, another broken reed. 

SEVENTH— CIVIL SERVICE REFORM. 

In 1873, tne Republican National Convention 
affirmed in its platform that, "Any system of 
the civil service under which the subordinate 
positions of the government are considered as 
rewards for mere party zeal, is fatally demoral- 
izing," and declared itself for a reform of the 
system. Although opposed to the idea of mor- 
ality in the government, and unwilling that it 
should be moralized, it was of the opinion that 
it might be demoralized ''fatally,,' and propos- 
ed to try its hand at a moral reform movement. 
It was a "trump card," boldly played by the 
Republican gamblers in the Presidential game 
of that year. No trumpet was more loudly 
sounded than that which told of the coming mil- 
lenium in politics, under Grant, when aU the 
corruptions of executive patronage were to be 
purged away by the new civil service reform. 
It had its effect and helped to swell his majority 
in that election. Then a dumb show was ex- 
hibited before the people, to amuse them while 
in the matter, and a commission of highly re- 
spectable men was appointed to report rules and 
regulations for the purpose. They reported ac- - 
cordingly, and their report was printed and 
sent all over the country. A number of boys 
were examined under it as candidates for West 
Point Military Academy, and a few applicants 
for some inferior civil appointments. Then the 
machine ceased to work. The Republican 
members of Congress who had been loudest be- 
fore the people, in praising this reform, were 
found resisting every practical measure in its 
behalf. 

In his last annual message to Congress, Presi- 
dent Grant said: 

"I announce that if Congress adjourns with- 
out_ any positive legislation on the subject of 
Civil Service Reform, I will regard such action 
as a disapproval of the system, and will aban- 
don it, except so far as to require examinations 
for certain appointments to determine their fit- 
ness. Competitive examinations will be aban- 
doned." 

Tnat last Republican Congress did adjoura 
without the required legislation and the system 
is accordingly abandoued. So ends another 
farce. So drops the curtain on the last thimble- 
rig performance of the Republican jugglers, 

TEN BROKEN REEDS. 

Thus, friends, we have been over a wide space, 
and have considered seven of the greatest polit- 
ical reforms, not only of the past, but of the 
present and the future : ten living reforms, 
which reach from the lowest foundation stone 
to the loftiest pinnacle in the superstructure of 



15 



government. They all involve moi'al principles, 
which not only " affect the framework," but 
form the frame, the life and the soul of the gov- 
ernment. We have seen at each step what 
strong promises and pledges were given by the 
Republican leaders as to every one of them, but 
like the equivocating fiend, they "held the word 
of promise to the ear, and broke it to the hope." 
As to all these promised reforms, we can see on- 
ly the broken reeds of Egypt, in the pierced and 
bleeding hands of the people. 

THE RESULT. 

Bat there must be an end to all such treach- 
ery, and that end is at hand. Gentlemen, lead- 
ers of the Republican partj-, you are good 
thieves, sharp in your business, and rich in 
practice. You have stolen hundreds of millions 
of dollars from the treasury, and hundreds of 
millions of acres from the public lands. But 
there is one thing you cannot steal. You can 
not filch back the confidence of the people, 
when once their eyes are opened to your perfi- 
dy ; and that they are fast opening, the elections 
of the last vear have shown. You may again 
try to hoodwink them. You may go to Rome, 
and steal the Pope's mantle, and bring that to 
throw over their heads, as you have done. You 
may call up all the ghosts of the Kuow-Nothing 
lodges, to help delude them ; but they will yet 
see through it all. They will say to you as 
Tazewell, of Virginia, said to Martin Van Buren: 
" You have deceived me once, that was your 
fault ; when you deceive me again it will be 
mine." 

Because the Republican party has met with 
some great reverses as the result of its miscon- 
duct, we are urged to aid it with our votes, and 
to restore it to power. For the Beer Infidel 
vote, it sold its very soul to the devil ; and now, 
as the devil in the shape of the Democratic par- 
ty, comes for it, we are asked to interfere, and 
save it from the consequence of its own wicked- 
ness and folly. All we have to say is, that if it is 
the will of ajust Providence, that the devil shall 
have his own, we will not interfere with Provi- 
dence. It is said, that although each of these 
old parties is in possession of the devil, the 
Democratic devU is very large and black, but 
the Republican devil is comparatively small, 
with a visible admixture; and that we ought to 
help the little devil against the large one. We 
are asked to take up the scales and spectrum, 
and to test the difference in weight, size and col- 
or, and to vote between the different degrees of 
diabolism. Our answer is, that we have been 
taught by the best of teachers, to " resist the 
devil," without regard to size or complexion. 
In whatever form or disguise he comes, our du- 
ty is away from him, and against him. 

But lastly, and for the ten thousandth time, 
we are told that although right, we cannot suc- 
ceed by our independent action, against both 
these old parties. Where does that voice come 
from? Not from the skies. It comes up from 
the arch-Iufidel of the pit, and is uttered in all 
our ears by his emissaries in chaige of these 
parties. We know better, and by iufallible au- 
thority. We know that wo can and will suc- 
ceed, because we are right, and because the 
Lord of the right rules and reigns in the heavens 
above, and will rule on the earth beneaih. 

We are like the Hebrew captives in the walls 
of Babylon. We see the Republican Belshazzar 
at his feast of plunder and power, in the palace 



surrounded by dram-shop Infidels, drinking the 
wine of sacrilege from the golden vessels conse- 
crated to God by the hands of our fathers, scoff- 
ing at that God and at all reUgion and morality 
in the government; but we see the hand-writing 
on the wall, " Mene, mene, (ekel, uphavsin," and 
we hear the Democratic Meads and Persians 
thuudering at the gates. What part have we 
in this war between them ? What do we choose 
between that foe which riots in the palace, or 
that foe which rages at tbe gates, only that it 
may take the same Godless plunder? Our 
whole trust is in the Lord, Most High and Most 
Mighty, in whose hands are the issues of every 
conflict on the battle field, or at the ballot box. 
At His word, 

" The angel of Death spread his wings on the 

blast, 
And breathed in the face of the foe as he passed," 

and 180,000 of the Infidel scoffers against Zion 
lay dead in the camp of Sennacherib. That an- 
gel of death is looking out on the Infidel leaders 
of both these old parties; and soon it will be 
said, the might of their millions, 

" Unsmotc by the sword. 
Hath melted like snow in the ghince of the Lord." 



NOW. 



BY ONE OF THE OLD SUAKD. 

"The entire suppression of the Liquor Traffic 

is our unqualified duty, at the ballot-box, at the 

earliest possible moment." 

— Address of National Division. 

"The earliest possible moment," then, 

Is just the one for honest men. 

That moment, for honest men, I trow, 

Is just this possible moment, now ! 

"A'ow is the time, the accepted time !" 

Sounds through the borders of our clime; 

The gathering voices join to say: 

'Pray as you vote !— vote as you prat !' 

From the St. Lawrence to the flow 

Of the blue waves of Mexico;* 

From the Atlantic's thundering roar 

To broad Pacific's quiet shore; 

From mountain tops, to deepest Yales, 

This trumpet call the freeman hails: 

'Now 18 THE TIME !— THIS IS THE DAT ! 

Prat as you vote!— vote as you prat !' 

'The earliest possible moment.' Yes ! 

This moment shall our nation bless; 

This is the moment, Ihis the hour. 

To strike the Demon Liquor Power ! 

Oh ! if we put this moment off, 

How shall that Demon hiss and scoff ! 

'Put off your vote !' that Demon cries 

From out his Refuges of Lies. 

'Repent not now !' the DevU sneers • 

In every weeping sinner's ears: 

'To-morrow will do just as well ! 

To-inovrow he is mine — in Hell !' 

No ! by the Christian's conquering vow, 

The time to turn from sin is note ! 

No ! by the path to Heaven he trod, 

Noio is the time to turn to God ! 

March to the polls, ye freemen, then, 

And from your lines of voting men ! 

Strike the Rum Power, with lightning shocks, 

From Prohibitiox's ballot-box ! 



16 



ADVERTTSEES DESIEOUS OP 

-^^^ reaching first-class patronage will find uo 
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THOS. H. CHAMBERg, 
Manager Adv. Dep't. 



■^ All Comnmnications should be addressed to 
The Living Issue, 210 Eighth Av&tiue, New York 
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Newr Inducements for tlie New Year 



The one hundi-edth yasr of our national exis- 
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and with no man legally bound to serve another, 
but with thousands and thousands who are stilJ 

Siave of the Bottle. 

the most cruel and destructive tyrant that ever 
robbed the substance and crushed the hearts of 
men. The next great political and social reform 
in this country, it is evideut, is that which is to 
bring 

Emancipation 

to these victims of a monstrous oppression. 

The battle has akeady begun, and the new era 
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"■ " ' 4 90 



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00 
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013 789 514 6 




